Aus-NZ refugee deal is a bandage on a failed policy. It's time to end offshore processing
Offshore processing is a failed policy that continues to haemorrhage cash, destroy lives and erode the international system for refugee protection.
Offshore processing is a failed policy that continues to haemorrhage cash, destroy lives and erode the international system for refugee protection.
Australia has finally accepted New Zealand鈥檚 offer to settle some of the refugees from the regime 鈥 about nine years after it was first made in 2013.
The NZ deal will provide certainty for who have been in limbo, many for more than a decade.
But in the March 24 , Home Affairs Minister Karen Andrews made clear the deal does not change Australia鈥檚 .
This makes the deal a bandage on a that continues to haemorrhage cash, destroy lives and erode the international system for refugee protection.
The original offer, made by the then NZ Prime Minister John Key in 2013, was refused by the Australian government until now. The Coalition government claimed the deal could be a 鈥溾 for asylum seekers coming by boat to Australia.
Under the agreement, NZ will settle up to 150 of Australia鈥檚 鈥渙ffshore processing鈥 refugees per year for three years. These refugees arrived in Australia by sea between 2012 and 2014 and were sent to Nauru or Manus Island 鈥渙ffshore processing鈥 detention centres.
The deal can include the who are in Nauru or those temporarily in Australia under offshore processing arrangements.
Some people have been returned temporarily to Australia, mostly for medical treatment. They mostly live in the community with but some remain in detention.
Those already being considered for settlement to another country, such as the United States or Canada, aren鈥檛 eligible for the NZ program.
More than 100 men who remain in Papua New Guinea aren鈥檛 included in this deal.
Under current known arrangements, people remaining in PNG could be by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to NZ through its regular refugee programme.
Even after the NZ and US options are exhausted, it鈥檚 estimated at least .
And they鈥檙e not the only ones. There are some in what鈥檚 called the 鈥渓egacy caseload鈥 who arrived by sea between 2012 and 2014 and weren鈥檛 transferred to Nauru and PNG. They remain in Australia subject to harmful measures. They鈥檙e stuck in limbo on temporary visas, unable to reunify with family members, and receive inadequate support to secure housing or health care.
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for refugees who seek its protection. The Australian government has repeatedly tried and failed to find countries willing to settle refugees it refuses to protect. It reportedly offered multiple countries, from the Philippines to Kyrgyzstan, to settle refugees from Australia鈥檚 offshore camps 鈥 without success.
Resettlement to a third country is an important solution, available to less than 1 per cent聽of refugees globally whose lives, liberty, safety, health or other fundamental rights are at risk . This isn鈥檛 the case for refugees seeking asylum in Australia, where there鈥檚 a well-established asylum system.
It鈥檚 difficult to think of the NZ solution as 鈥渞esettlement鈥 in its true meaning.
Resettlement places are important to that host almost 90 per cent聽of the world鈥檚 refugees. Conflicts in Syria, Yemen, Myanmar, South Sudan, Afghanistan, plus now Russia鈥檚 invasion of Ukraine, have created a need for resettlement in a third country for almost refugees worldwide. Resettlement has been disrupted over the last two years due to COVID, leaving even more people in urgent need.
Under these extraordinary 鈥渞efugee deals鈥 with the US and NZ, the Australian government is trying to solve a political problem of its own making at the expense of people in desperate need.
Like Australia, the US and NZ offer only a limited number of resettlement spots each year. When these spots go to Australia鈥檚 refugees, who are Australia鈥檚 responsibility, someone else misses out.
This is Australia鈥檚 second go at offshore processing. Its first iteration, the 鈥淧acific Solution鈥, lasted from 2001 until 2008. The second commenced in 2012 and continues.
Offshore processing remains costly. Australian taxpayers have spent, on average, around to maintain offshore processing since 2014.
This is despite a dramatic drop in the number of people held in Nauru and PNG. At the peak in April 2014, Australia detained a total of 2,450 people. By December 2021, there were .
People transferred to Manus Island and Nauru suffered mandatory and indefinite detention in harsh conditions. Their treatment has been called out by the United Nations repeatedly as cruel and inhuman and described by Amnesty International as .
The abuse of men, women and children in offshore processing centres has been thoroughly documented in a to the International Criminal Court, and domestic legal challenges.
Australia鈥檚 offshore processing sets a bad regional precedent for and beyond.
The policy objective of using cruelty as a deterrent to 鈥渟top the boats鈥 and 鈥渟ave lives at sea鈥 didn鈥檛 work. If boats didn鈥檛 arrive, this was due to Australia鈥檚 .
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Refugee policy can be and driven by compassion while protecting borders and respecting international law.
Australia should formally end offshore processing. The small number of people still held offshore in Nauru and PNG should be transferred back to Australia.
Everyone who has been subject to the policy since 2012 who doesn鈥檛 have a permanent solution could be offered settlement in Australia. This in the first iteration of offshore processing and could happen again.
Money and lives can be saved.
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, International refugee lawyer and scholar,
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